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2023年11月PETS-5考試閱讀沖刺習(xí)題
在學(xué)習(xí)、工作中，我們最少不了的就是練習(xí)題了，做習(xí)題有助于提高我們分析問(wèn)題和解決問(wèn)題的能力。你所見(jiàn)過(guò)的習(xí)題是什么樣的呢？下面是小編收集整理的2023年11月PETS-5考試閱讀沖刺習(xí)題，希望對(duì)大家有所幫助。
11月PETS-5考試閱讀沖刺習(xí)題
Could the bad old days of economic decline be about to return?Since OPEC agreed to supply—cuts in March， the price of crude oil has jumped to almost$26 a barrel.up from less than$10 last December.This near—tripling of oil prices calls up scary memories of the 1973 0il shock，when prices quadrupled，and 1979—80，when they also almost tripled.Both previous shocks resulted in double—digit inflation and global economic decline.So where are the headlines warning of gloom and doom this time?
The Oil price was given another push up this week when Iraq suspended oil exports.Strengthening economic growth，at the same time as winter grips the northern hemisphere，could push the price higher still in the short term. Yet there ale good reasons to expect the economic consequences now to be less severe than in the l970s.In most countries the cost of crude oil now accounts for a smaller share of the price of petrol than it did in the l970s.In Europe，taxes account for up to four—fifths of the retail price，so even quite big changes in the price of crude have a more muted effect on pump prices than in the past.
Rich economies are also less dependent on oil than they were.and so less sensitive to swings in the oil price. Energy conservation，a shift to other fuels and a decline in the importance of heavy，energy—intensive industries has reduced oil consumption.Software.consultancy and mobile telephones use far less oil than steel or car production. For each dollar of GDP(in constant prices)rich economies now use nearly 50%less oil than in 1973.The OECD estimates in its latest Economic Outlook that，its oil prices averaged$2 a barrel for a full year，compared with $13 in 1998,this would increase the oil import bill in rich economies by only 0.25—0.5%of GDP.That is less than one-quarter of the income loss in 1974 0r 1980.On the other hand，oil-importing emerging economies--to which heavy industry has shifted-have become more energy-intensive，and so could be more seriously squeezed.
One more reason not to lose sleep over the rise in oil prices is that，unlike the rises in the 1970s，it has not oc— carred against the background of general commodity—price inflation and global excess demand.A sizable portion of the world is only just emerging from economic decline.The Economist’s commodity price index is broadly unchang— ing from a year a90.In 1973 commodity prices jumped by 70%and in 1979 by almost 30%.
61.The main reason for the latest rise of oil price is_____.
[A]global inflation
[B]reduction in supply
[C]fast growth in economy
[D]Iraq’s suspension of exports
62.It call be inferred from the text that the retail price of petrol will go up dramatically if_____.
[A]price of crude rises
[B]commodity prices rise
[C]consumption rises
[DJ oil taxes rise
63.The estimates in Economic Outllok show that in rich countries_____.
[A] heavy industry becomes more energy-intensive
[B]income loss mainly results from fluctuating crude oil prices
[C]manufacturing industry has been seriously squeezed
[D]oil price changes have no significant impact on GDP
64.We can draw a conclusion from the text that______.
[A]oil—price shocks are less shocking now
[B]inflation seems irrelevant to oil—price shocks
[C]energy conservation can keep down the oil prices
[D]the price rise of crude leads to the shrinking of heavy industry
65.From the text we can see that the writer seems_____.
[A]optimistic
[B]sensitive
[C]gloomy
[D]scared
短文賞析
石油輸出國(guó)組織在3月份決定減少原油供應(yīng)，原油價(jià)格立即猛漲了3倍。本周伊拉克暫停石油出口，這使得油價(jià)又一次上揚(yáng)。強(qiáng)勁的經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)勢(shì)頭，隨著北半球冬季的到來(lái)，有可能在短期內(nèi)使石油價(jià)格漲得更高。但是人們并不恐慌，這是因?yàn)楝F(xiàn)在多數(shù)國(guó)家的原油價(jià)格占汽油價(jià)格的份額要小很多，發(fā)達(dá)國(guó)家對(duì)石油的依賴(lài)性也不如從前，因此對(duì)油價(jià)的波動(dòng)也就不會(huì)那么敏感了。另外一個(gè)原因是，與20世紀(jì)70年代不同，這次油價(jià)上升并不是發(fā)生在普遍的物價(jià)暴漲及全球需求過(guò)旺背景之下。
答案及解析
61.B 【解析】文章的第二句中“Since OPEC agreed to supply-cuts in March，the price of crude oil has jumped to almost$26 a barrel，…”，說(shuō)明油價(jià)上漲是由于石油輸出國(guó)組織最近的減少供應(yīng)導(dǎo)致的。故應(yīng)選B。
62.D【解析】文章第三段第二、三句“In most countries the cost of crude oil now accounts for a smaller share of the price of petrol than it did in the l970s.In Europe….”指出原油價(jià)格只是汽油價(jià)格中的一小部分，以歐洲的例子說(shuō)明稅收高達(dá)汽油零售價(jià)的五分之四，所以汽油稅上升會(huì)造成油價(jià)的大幅度上漲。故應(yīng)選D。
63.D【解析】文章第四段第五句“The OECD estimates in its latest Economic Outlook that.its oil prices averaged $22 a barrel for a full year，...this would increase the oil import bill in rich economies by only 0.25—0.5%of GDP.”說(shuō)明現(xiàn)在這種情況下，油價(jià)的上漲所帶來(lái)的影響只是在0.25—0.5%之間。這表明在富裕國(guó)家石油價(jià)格的變化不會(huì)對(duì)GDP(國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值)產(chǎn)生重大影響。故應(yīng)選D。
64.A【解析】文章第三段第一句話“Yet there are good reasons to expect the economic consequences now to be less severe than in the1970s.”表明這次的油價(jià)上漲不會(huì)像以前那樣帶來(lái)嚴(yán)重的后果。從文章最后一段“0ne more reason not to lose sleep over the rise in oil prices is that，…”來(lái)看，我們不會(huì)為石油價(jià)格的上漲而失眠，也說(shuō)明了這次的上漲影響不會(huì)很大。故應(yīng)選A。
65.A【解析】文章第三段第一句“Yet there are good reasons to expect the economic consequences now to be less severe than in the l970s.”和第四段第一句都指出“Rich economies are also less dependent on oil than they were，and SO less sensitive to swings in the oil price.”也就是說(shuō)各國(guó)有很好的理由盼望現(xiàn)在的經(jīng)濟(jì)前景會(huì)比二十世紀(jì)七十年代的情況樂(lè)觀。發(fā)達(dá)國(guó)家對(duì)石油的依賴(lài)性較以前有所下降，因而對(duì)石油價(jià)格變動(dòng)的敏感度也降低，這些都表明作者是持有樂(lè)觀態(tài)度的。故應(yīng)選A。
11月PETS-5考試閱讀沖刺習(xí)題
Europe’s Gypsies, Are They a Nation?
The striving of countries in Central Europe to enter the European Union may offer an unprecedented chance to the continent’s Gypsies or Roman to be recognized as a nation, albeit one without a defined territory. And if they were to achieve that they might even seek some kind of formal place-at least a total population outnumbers that of many of the Union’s present and future countries. Some experts put the figure at 4m-plus; some proponents of Gypsy rights go as high as 15m.
Unlike Jews, Gypsies have had no known ancestral land to hark back to. Though their language is related to Hindi， their territorial origins are misty. Romanian peasants held them to be born on the moon. Other Europeans wrongly thought them migrant Egyptians, hence the derivative Gypsy. Most probably they were itinerant metal workers and entertainers who drifted west from India in the 7th century.
However, since communism in Central Europe collapsed a decade ago, the notion of Romanestan as a landless nation founded on Gypsy culture has gained ground. The International Romany Union， which says it stands for 10m Gypsies in more than 30 countries, is fostering the idea of “self-rallying”。 It is trying to promote a standard and written form of the language; it waves a Gypsy flag green with a wheel when it lobbies in such places as the United Bations; and in July it held a congress in Prague, The Czech capital. Where President Vaclav Havel said that Gypsies in his own country and elsewhere should have a better deal.
At the congress a Slovak-born lawyer, Emil Scuka, was elected president of the International Tomany Union. Later this month a group of elected Gypsy politicians, including members of parliament, mayors and local councilors from all over Europe OSCE, to discuss how to persuade more Gypsies to get involved in politics.
The International Romany Union is probably the most representative of the outfits that speak for Gypsies, but that is not saying a lot. Of the several hundred delegates who gathered at its congress, few were democratically elected; oddly, none came from Hungary, whose Gypsies are perhaps the world’s best organized, with some 450 Gypsy bodies advising local councils there. The union did, however, announce its ambition to set up a parliament, but how it would actually be elected was left undecided.
So far, the European Commission is wary of encouraging Gypsies to present themselves as a nation. The might, it is feared, open a Pandora’s box already containing Basques, Corsicans and other awkward peoples. Besides, acknowledging Gypsies as a nation might backfire, just when several countries, particularly Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic, are beginning to treat them better, in order to qualify for EU membership. “The EU’s whole premise is to overcome differences， not to highlight them,” says a nervous Eurocrat.
But the idea that the Gypsies should win some kind of special recognition as Europe’s largest continent wide minority, and one with a terrible history of persecution, is catching on. Gypsies have suffered many pogroms over the centuries. In Romania， the country that still has the largest number of them more than 1m in the 19th century they were actually enslaved. Hitler tried to wipe them out, along with the Jews.
“Gypsies deserve some space within European structures,” says Jan Marinus Wiersma, a Dutchman in the European Parliament who suggests that one of the current commissioners should be responsible for Gypsy affairs. Some prominent Gypsies say they should be more directly represented, perhaps with a quota in the European Parliament. That, they argue, might give them a boost. There are moves afoot to help them to get money for, among other things, a Gypsy university.
One big snag is that Europe’s Gypsies are, in fact, extremely heterogeneous. They belong to many different, and often antagonistic， clans and tribes, with no common language or religion, Their self-proclaimed leaders have often proved quarrelsome and corrupt. Still, says, Dimitrina Petrova, head of the European Roma Rights Center in Budapest, Gypsies’ shared experience of suffering entitles them to talk of one nation; their potential unity, she says, stems from “being regarded as sub-human by most majorities in Europe.”
And they have begun to be a bit more pragmatic. In Slovakia and Bulgaria, for instance, Gypsy political parties are trying to form electoral blocks that could win seats in parliament. In Macedonia, a Gypsy party already has some-and even runs a municipality. Nicholas Gheorge, an expert on Gypsy affairs at the OSCE, reckons that, spread over Central Europe, there are now about 20 Gypsy MPS and mayors, 400-odd local councilors, and a growing number of businessmen and intellectuals.
That is far from saying that they have the people or the cash to forge a nation. But, with the Gypsy question on the EU’s agenda in Central Europe, they are making ground.
寫(xiě)作手法與文章大意
文章以對(duì)比手法環(huán)繞吉普塞是不是一個(gè)民族/國(guó)家，可不可以取得合法地位這一中心而寫(xiě)。從人口上說(shuō)，它的數(shù)量超過(guò)加入歐盟許多國(guó)家，應(yīng)在歐盟中一席之底。但人口分散在各國(guó)，他是對(duì)抗的部落，還沒(méi)有共同的語(yǔ)言和信仰。不像猶太人，它們沒(méi)有回歸的祖居地。它們成立了國(guó)際聯(lián)盟，也選出了領(lǐng)導(dǎo)，在布魯塞爾開(kāi)設(shè)了辦事處，想成立國(guó)會(huì)，但不知如何落實(shí)操作，只是極力游說(shuō)歐盟和聯(lián)合國(guó)等組織，以獲得一個(gè)合法地位和發(fā)言權(quán)。這是歐盟日程表上一個(gè)問(wèn)題，但歐盟等機(jī)構(gòu)又擔(dān)心，萬(wàn)一他們?nèi)〉谜降匚�，那些�?guó)家中正鬧分離和獨(dú)立的民族也會(huì)提出同樣的要求，就象潘多拉盒子那樣，不能打開(kāi)。
答案詳解
1. B. 他們是一個(gè)民族/國(guó)家嗎?整篇文章環(huán)境這一點(diǎn)而2. 寫(xiě)，3. 文章一開(kāi)始就提出中歐入歐盟的國(guó)家會(huì)給大陸吉普塞人一個(gè)機(jī)會(huì)，4. 承認(rèn)他們是一個(gè)民族--國(guó)家，5. 雖然沒(méi)有界定的領(lǐng)土作為國(guó)家，6. 應(yīng)有領(lǐng)土。吉普塞人的領(lǐng)袖人物也指7. 出其人數(shù)超過(guò)歐盟中許多現(xiàn)在有的和將來(lái)要入盟的國(guó)家。他們至少要在歐盟中有一席之地。第二段提出，8. 吉普塞和猶太人不同，9. 他們沒(méi)有可回歸的祖居地。他們的語(yǔ)言屬印歐語(yǔ)系。英國(guó)人認(rèn)為他們來(lái)自埃及及移民。最可能的是七世紀(jì)時(shí)一些流浪的手工業(yè)工人和藝人從印度向西方流移。第三段涉及一種思想--以吉普塞文化為基礎(chǔ)的無(wú)疆土的吉普塞民族應(yīng)有個(gè)說(shuō)話的地方-越來(lái)越為人接受。國(guó)際吉普塞人聯(lián)盟聲稱(chēng)代表30多個(gè)國(guó)家的吉普塞人，10. 做了幾件事：展開(kāi)自我聯(lián)合，11. 提出語(yǔ)言標(biāo)12. 準(zhǔn)和書(shū)面形式，13. 在聯(lián)合國(guó)進(jìn)行游說(shuō)活動(dòng)時(shí)揮動(dòng)吉普塞國(guó)旗，14. 在布魯塞爾設(shè)立辦事處，15. 六月在捷克首都布拉格召開(kāi)會(huì)議。第四段集中講到會(huì)上選出了聯(lián)盟主席。一群選出吉普塞的政治家--國(guó)會(huì)議員，16. 市長(zhǎng)， 17. 地方政務(wù)委員再次在布拉格開(kāi)會(huì)，18. 會(huì)議由歐洲安全合作條約組織召集，19. 來(lái)討論如何動(dòng)員更多的吉普塞人參政。第五段涉及聯(lián)盟雄心勃勃的宣布要建立國(guó)會(huì)，20. 但如何實(shí)際操作還未落實(shí)。后面主要是外界對(duì)吉普塞的態(tài)度。第六段描述歐盟委員會(huì)在吉普塞作為最大的大陸少數(shù)民族，21. 歷史上遭到殘酷的迫害，22. 應(yīng)贏得特別承認(rèn)。19世紀(jì)他們橫遭奴役，希23. 特勒企圖把它們和猶太人一起消滅。第八段講了歐洲會(huì)議中有人提出吉普塞在歐洲機(jī)構(gòu)中應(yīng)有一席之地，24. 還提議一個(gè)常務(wù)委員負(fù)責(zé)吉普塞事務(wù)。還有行動(dòng)籌建建立一所吉普塞大學(xué)。后面兩段講的是困難，25. 第九段點(diǎn)出。最后一段指26. 出，27. 現(xiàn)在說(shuō)他們有人有錢(qián)可以組成國(guó)家為時(shí)還早， 28. 可是吉普塞是歐盟中日程表上的一個(gè)問(wèn)題，29. 他們?nèi)找娼咏鉀Q。從內(nèi)部，30. 外部情況分析都說(shuō)明吉普塞是一個(gè)組成國(guó)家的民族。全文都是環(huán)繞它是不31. 是，32. 該不33. 該承認(rèn)為民族/國(guó)家而34. 寫(xiě)，35. 所以B項(xiàng)他們是不 36. 是民族是最佳標(biāo)37. 題。
A. 吉普塞要想組成一個(gè)國(guó)家民族。這只是文章涉及到的部分內(nèi)容，中歐國(guó)家想加入歐盟一事可能產(chǎn)生的結(jié)果。 C. 歐盟害怕它們成長(zhǎng)。 D. 他們是一個(gè)部落。
38. A. 最可能是在7世紀(jì)從印度流浪到西方。見(jiàn)第1題第二注釋。
B. 他們分散在世界各地。 C. 可能他們?cè)从谥袣W。 D. 他們可能來(lái)自國(guó)際吉普塞人聯(lián)盟。
39. D. 它們?cè)谶@些國(guó)際組織，40. 如歐盟，41. 聯(lián)合國(guó)中進(jìn)行活動(dòng)游說(shuō)要取得一席之地。見(jiàn)第1題第一段，42. 三段注釋。
A. 它們游說(shuō)活動(dòng)歐盟和聯(lián)合國(guó)接受他們的要求。太抽象。 B. 它們活動(dòng)游說(shuō)在國(guó)際機(jī)構(gòu)取得職位。 C. 他們游說(shuō)作為民族的權(quán)利。
43. C. 它害怕巴斯克人，44. 科西嘉人和其它要求分裂的民族會(huì)提出同45. 樣的要求。見(jiàn)難句譯注11。
A. 它可能會(huì)打開(kāi)潘多拉盒子。此盒子在文章中只是比喻。 B. 鼓勵(lì)可能會(huì)導(dǎo)致某些意想不到的結(jié)果。 D. 吉普塞的要求會(huì)加深歐盟分歧。 B，D兩項(xiàng)不夠明確。
46. A. 吉普塞人屬于不同47. 的，而48. 且常常是對(duì)抗的民族的部落，49. 還沒(méi)有共同50. 的語(yǔ)言和宗教信仰。
B. 他們領(lǐng)袖很貪腐。 C. 他們潛在的團(tuán)結(jié)來(lái)自被人看作是低于人類(lèi)次等人。 D. 他們有點(diǎn)太講究實(shí)效， B，C， D 三項(xiàng)不是主要問(wèn)題。主要問(wèn)題是A. 項(xiàng)
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