人力資本教育的長(zhǎng)期回饋英語(yǔ)美文
Human capital could also be applied to topics beyond returns to individuals from education。
人力資本還可以被應(yīng)用于個(gè)人教育回報(bào)之外的多種話題。
The idea was a powerful variable in explaining why some countries fared far better than others： to promote income growth over many years， heavy investment in schooling was necessary。
這一思想在解釋為什么有些國(guó)家比其他國(guó)家過(guò)得好很多時(shí)是一個(gè)強(qiáng)有力的變量：為促進(jìn)長(zhǎng)年的收入增長(zhǎng)，學(xué)校教育方面的大筆投入是必需的。
It shed light on why firms in poor countries tended to be more paternalistic， providing dormitories and canteens： they reaped immediate productivity gains from rested， well—fed workers。
它論述了為什么窮國(guó)的公司往往更具有家長(zhǎng)式作風(fēng)，提供了宿舍和食堂：它們從吃好睡好的'工人那里收獲了直接的生產(chǎn)力提高。
It informed big increases in the numbers of women studying law， finance and science since the 1950s： the automation of much household work meant that women could invest more in building their careers。
它通告了學(xué)習(xí)法律金融和科學(xué)的女性數(shù)量在上世紀(jì)50年代之后的巨大增長(zhǎng)：大部分家務(wù)活的自動(dòng)化意味著女性可以在構(gòu)建職業(yè)生涯方面投入更多。
And it helped explain the shrinkage of families in wealthy countries： if increasing value is placed on human capital， parents must invest more in each child， making large families costly。
同時(shí)，它還為解釋家庭在富裕國(guó)家中的收縮提供了幫助：如果增加值是被放在人力資本之上，父母就必須要為每一個(gè)孩子投入更多的錢(qián)，這使得大家庭變得成本高昂。
But any theory that attempts to explain so much is bound to encounter pushback。
但是，任何試圖解釋如此多事情的理論注定都會(huì)遇到阻力。
Many critics bristled at Becker’s market—driven logic， which seemed to reduce people to cold， calculating machines。
許多批評(píng)者對(duì)貝克爾的這種似乎是把人貶低到等同于冰冷的、會(huì)算計(jì)的機(jī)器的市場(chǎng)驅(qū)動(dòng)邏輯感到不滿。
Although “human capital” is an unsightly term—in 2004 a panel of German linguists deemed Humankapital the most offensive word of the year—it is the task of social science to identify and refine concepts that would otherwise be fuzzy。
盡管“人力資本”是一個(gè)不雅觀的詞語(yǔ)——一些德國(guó)語(yǔ)言學(xué)者曾在2004年把Humankapital選為年度最具冒犯性詞語(yǔ)——但是，認(rèn)可并完善這些不然就會(huì)含義模糊的概念是社會(huì)科學(xué)的任務(wù)。
It took Becker’s framework to make the importance of education explicit， and to put people at the heart of economics。
它采用了貝克爾的框架是為了明確教育的重要性，也是為了把人置于經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)的中心。
Within the discipline， some objected that Becker had overstated the importance of learning。
在學(xué)科內(nèi)部，有些人反對(duì)說(shuō)，貝克爾夸大了學(xué)習(xí)的重要性。
Education matters not because it imparts knowledge， critics said， but because of what it signals about the people who complete university， namely that they are disciplined and more likely to be productive workers。
批評(píng)者聲稱，教育之所以重要，不是因?yàn)樗鼈魇谥R(shí)，而是因?yàn)樗l(fā)出的關(guān)于完成了大學(xué)學(xué)業(yè)之人的信號(hào)，即，他們受過(guò)訓(xùn)練，并且更可能成為高效的工人。
In any case， people of greater abilities are the ones who are most likely to get higher degrees in the first place。
一般說(shuō)來(lái)，具有更大能力的是一開(kāi)始就最有可能拿到更高學(xué)位的人。
Yet increasingly sophisticated empirical analyses has revealed that the acquisition of knowledge is in fact a big part of what it means to be a student。
然而，日益成熟的實(shí)證分析表明，知識(shí)的獲取實(shí)際上是作為一名學(xué)生所意味的大部分。
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